This book published by the Hong Kong Journalists Association, summarizes the June 4 reports of dozens of journalists. The first edition was released in July 1989, and was reprinted on the 20th anniversary of June Fourth.

After the bloody suppression of the June 4 Democracy Movement, the Chinese Communist Party went on a massive manhunt for the key figures of the movement. Some Hong Kong people organized a secret channel to help pro-democracy activists escape from the Mainland, codenamed "Operation Yellow Bird." The author of this book, Jiang Xun, is a veteran of the media and describes in detail how the "Yellow Bird Operation" took place.

购书链接：https://www.kobo.com/hk/zh/ebook/ZoerWPfG8TiqoXIYwvW2iw。

Written by Wang Dan, a leader of the June Fourth Movement, this book reviews his diary from childhood to adulthood, and examines every twist and turn in his life. Influenced by a book in high school, Wang Dan strongly questioned his faith in the Communist Party. His life changed dramatically when he became a propagandist for democracy on the campus of Peking University. Later, he became one of the leaders of the 1989 student movement.

Published in 1989 by the Beijing Daily News, this book is the Chinese government's official account and presentation of the June Fourth Incident. Officially, it describes the June 4 Incident as an upheaval and even stigmatizes it as a counter-revolutionary riot. Some of the accounts presented here need to be judged against other sources.

Compiled by the Sichuan writer Xiao Shu (b. 1962), this book offers a variety of pro-democracy statements released by the Chinese Communist Party media, including short commentaries, speeches, editorials, and documents from <i>Xinhua Daily, Jiefang Daily, Party History Bulletin</i>, and <i>People's Daily</i> from 1941 to 1946. The essays criticize the Kuomintang government for running a "one-party dictatorship" and promised freedom, democracy and human rights. The book was published by Shantou University Press in 1999. <a href="https://archive.ph/20220329191611/https://www.rfi.fr/tw/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9C%8B/20130817-%E9%A6%99%E6%B8%AF%E5%A4%A7%E5%AD%B8%E5%86%8D%E7%89%88%E3%80%8A%E6%AD%B7%E5%8F%B2%E7%9A%84%E5%85%88%E8%81%B2%E3%80%8B">According to Xiao Shu</a>, the book was heavily criticized by the then-head of the Propaganda Department, Ding Guangen. The publishing house was temporarily suspended, and copies of the book were destroyed. It was republished in Hong Kong by the Bosi Publishing Group in 2002, and reprinted by the Journalism and Media Studies Center of the University of Hong Kong in 2013.

The author was a key member of the 1989 pro-democracy movement when he was teaching at the Chinese University of Political Science and Law. After the June 4 massacre, he went into exile. Currently, he has settled in Taiwan, where he teaches a course on the truth of the June Fourth Incident at Soochow University and National Chung Cheng University. Wu Renhua has published several books related to the June Fourth Incident. With a master's degree in Classical Literature from Peking University, he has written a book on June 4 that emphasizes the reliability of the sources of information. This book records the major events that happened every day during the June 4 period (April 15th to June 9th).

This book is a collection of political essays by Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo. It is a sister volume to *Single-Edged Poisoned Sword - A Critique of Contemporary Nationalism in China*, which covers many aspects of Chinese politics, including: one-party dictatorship, powerful capitalism, rights defense, June Fourth, and nationalism.

This book is the brainchild of Prof. Lian Xi of Duke University, U.S.A. In March 2018, it was published in English by Basic Books in the U.S.A. In 2021, it was published in Chinese by Taiwan Business Press. Based on a large amount of historical materials as well as first-hand interviews, this book reconstructs Lin Zhao's life. It depicts the political development before and after the birth of New China, and presents the resilient will and beliefs of intellectuals in this era. To purchase this book, please visit [the publisher](https://www.hachettebookgroup.com/titles/lian-xi/blood-letters/9781541644229/?lens=basic-books), or a bookseller.

This book goes beyond the individual perspective of a memoir to recount the movement from the perspective of the student collective. It focuses on the vivid portrayal of characters and their interactions. As the author puts it, this is the first time that the 1989 pro-democracy movement and the June 4 tragedy are "recounted as a complete and coherent attempt at narrative history." This book was originally written in English and published in 2009 on the 20th anniversary of June Fourth. The author himself later translated it into Chinese and released it on the eve of June 4 this year. The author, Eddie Cheng, was originally a student in the Physics Department of Peking University in the class of '80. He caught up with the election campaign right after he entered the school. Later, he became an important organizer of the student movement, having spearheaded the two campus pro-democracy campaigns of '84 and '85. In 1986, he went to the United States to study abroad. Currently he resides in the US state of Colorado. The book can be purchased <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0982320302">here</a>.

<i>The Power of Tiananmen: State-Society Relations and the 1989 Beijing Student Movement</i> is a sociological monograph. It explains the process of the 1989 school movement and interprets the political and economic situation from four perspectives: state legitimacy, ecological environment and mobilization structure, discourse and modes of action, and public opinion. Author Zhao Dingxin interviewed 70 participants in the movement at the time. He also examined many little-known domestic documents. Thus, theory and evidence are closely intertwined. The book won the 2002 Distinguished Book Award (Collective Action/Social Movements) and the 2001 Distinguished Book Award (Asian and Asian American) from the American Sociological Association. It is published by the Chinese University of Hong Kong Press.

This diary took eighteen years to finalize. Based on a first draft from 1990-1991, it is a complete account of the author's experiences at that time: from his initial participation in the formation of the Preparatory Committee of Beijing University (Beida) to his election as the President of Beida’s Union and as the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Forum. It continues up to the time of the evacuation vote by presidency of Forum in the early morning of June 4 and includes other tragic and poignant scenes of history. Purchase link：https://www.books.com.tw/products/0010436793

This book is a complete record of the entire process of the forceful clearing of Tiananmen Square in 1989, which began at noon on June 3, 1989, and ended at 10:00 a.m. on June 4th. The author, Wu Renhua, who experienced the June Fourth Incident, describes some of the important events and characters in the book. For example, how Liu Xiaobo, Hou Dejian and other "Four Gentlemen" contacted and negotiated with the PLA martial law forces; how the tanks of the six departments chased and crushed the evacuating students; and how the medical staff put their own lives at risk to save the wounded in the rain of bullets and bullets. The first draft of this book was completed in May 1990, according to Wu Renhua's own account. He fled the mainland in 1992. In May 2007, he published *Inside the Bloody Clearance of Tiananmen Square* in Los Angeles. This was his first monograph on June Fourth. The book has since been updated and reprinted several times.

At the turn of the spring and summer of 1989, democratic protests broke out in Beijing and other cities in China. In the early hours of June 4, the Chinese government dispatched troops to suppress the movement. In 2009, on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the June 4th Incident in 2009, some participants in the movement jointly released the "Unofficial White Paper on the June 4th Incident". The book has 48 pages and a large number of illustrations.  This white paper attempts to provide a complete political background and legal analysis of the events based on reports from Chinese newspapers, radio and television stations at the time, as well as memoirs and interviews that have been published over the past 20 years. Participants in this book believe that the Chinese government has not conducted a comprehensive investigation and objective evaluation of the June 4th Incident, and has long blocked relevant information and prohibited private investigation and discussion of the matter. The report is called a "white paper" to emphasize its rigor and normative nature. Participants in this book include Hu Ping, Yan Jiaqi, Wang Juntao, Wang Dan, Yang Jianli and others. The book was written by Li Jinjin, a doctor of law.

The documents in this book come from two high-level meetings of the CCP held after the June 4 Tiananmen Square Incident in 1989, namely, the Sixth Plenary Session of the Sixth Committee of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the CCP and the Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which was held on June 23rd and 24th at the Beijing West Guest House. The author claims that the documents were copied and kept for many years by an unnamed senior official within the CCP. This set of documents was formed when the CCP made its final conclusions on the June 4 incident. It is also a record of the high-level political operations within the CCP. These documents reveal the ultimate secret of the mechanism by which the Communist Party has always held absolute power. It was published by New Century Press in 2019. Special thanks to Bao Pu, founder of Hong Kong's New Century Press and son of Bao Tong, former political secretary of Zhao Ziyang, for authorizing CUA to share the book.

Zhang Zuhua is an independent scholar in China. In his early years, he served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League, Secretary of the Youth League Committee of the Central State Organs. Later, he worked at a private research institute, mainly engaged in political modernization, the theory and practice of constitutional democracy, and China's political reform. He was a key participant in China's Charter 08 in 2008. This book is a collection of his political essays.

Author Zhang Boli, a former student leader of the June 4 Democracy Movement, was ranked 17th on the "21 Most Wanted List." After June 4, Zhang Boli went into hiding in his hometown in Northeast China and crossed the border into the Soviet Union, where he was detained and repatriated by the Soviets. The Soviets did not hand him over to the Chinese border guards, but let him leave on his own. In the two years following June 4, Zhang Boli was the only June 4 pro-democracy leader who was neither captured by the Chinese Communist Party nor able to flee China. It was not until 1991 that Zhang Boli arrived in Hong Kong through secret channels and applied for political asylum at the U.S. Consulate. *Escape From China：The Long Journey from Tiananmen to Freedom* was published and translated into many languages. The English version won the Washington Post's "Best Book Award".

This book contains a number of articles in memory of Lin Zhao. It concerns the death of Lin Zhao as well as Lin Zhao's love, pursuits, and disillusionment. This book was published by Changjiang Literature and Art Publishing House in 2000.

Yu Luoke (May 1, 1942 - March 5, 1970): Worker, freelance writer, and public intellectual. Yu was born into an educated family in northeastern China, which for a period of time was under Japanese occupation. His father studied on a state scholarship in Waseda University in Tokyo, while his mother came from a wealthy family in Beijing and studied business at Tokyo Girls High School. When the two returned to China, they went into business, married, and had three children. When the CCP took power, the family was declared part of the “bourgeois class” and like other “black elements”--classes of people who the party declared to be enemies–was persecuted. The father was arrested in 1952 on charges of tax evasion and released. In 1957, Yu Luoke’s parents were declared Rightists and sent to labor camps. In 1959, Yu graduated from high school with highest honors but as the offspring of an undesirable class was not permitted to attend university. In 1961, he was allowed to work on a farm in a Beijing suburb, where he realized that class identity was also important in rural China–landlords and their children were even beaten to death. In 1964 he returned to the city and apprenticed at a machinery factory. Yu realized that he was part of an untouchable caste in Maoist China and would be condemned forever, no matter what he believed or how hard he worked. These experiences were the genesis of Yu’s essay, which became one of the most famous texts of the Mao era. Yu wrote it at the start of the Cultural Revolution. The ten-thousand character essay is called chushenglun, or “On Family Background” (sometimes translated as “On Class Origins"). In it, he warned that the “five black categories'' were becoming a permanent underclass, while China’s rulers were from the hongwulei, or “five red categories:” poor and lower-middle peasants, workers, revolutionary soldiers, revolutionary officials, and revolutionary martyrs, including their family members, children, and grandchildren. He warned of a new ruling class based on bloodlines.  The essay was published in a journal that Yu and his brother Yu Luowen called the "Journal of Secondary School Cultural Revolution." In January 1967, about thirty thousand copies were printed, and the young men began distributing them around the capital, selling them for two cents a copy. They sold out in a few hours. In February, they printed another eighty thousand copies. Soon, hundreds of letters each day arrived at Yu Luoke’s local post office—so many that he had to go collect them in person. The missives detailed how the Communists’ policies had caused them to suffer. People traveled from across China to visit them at their home, excited that someone finally had uncovered how the Chinese Communist Party ruled. The editorial board was expanded to twenty people, and the group sponsored debates and seminars. The Journal was closed down in April 1967. Yu Luoke began to write on economic inequality. In January 1968, he was arrested. Two years later, on 5 March 1970, Yu was executed by firing squad at Beijing Workers Stadium.

This is one of the most significant essays written by Lin Zhao, the pen name of the Christian intellectual Peng Lingzhao, who was born on January 23, 1932 in Suzhou. In 1947, she attended a Methodist girls school and was baptized. Soon after, however, she joined the underground Communist Party and began writing critiques of the Kuomintang-led government under the pen name Lin Zhao. Before the Communist takeover in 1949, Lin Zhao ran away from home to attend a journalism school run by the party. During this time she joined party campaigns to eradicate the landholding gentry that ran local society. Lin Zhao was admitted to the Chinese Department of Peking University in 1954. It was there that she broke with Communism and gradually rediscovered her Christian faith. She was classified as a rightist in 1957 for speaking up for other students. During this time, she met Zhang Chunyuan, one of the founders of the magazine "Spark," which the China Unofficial Archives also holds. She contributed two epic poems to the magazine. The magazine was shut down in 1960 and people affiliated with it were detained, including Lin.  She was released on medical parole in early 1962 due to tuberculosis, but was arrested and imprisoned again in December of the same year. She was detained in Shanghai No. 1 Detention Center and Tilanqiao Prison. When she was denied a pen and paper, she sometimes used a sharpened straw or chopstick to prick her finger and write in blood. While in prison, she wrote a large number of texts, including the 140,000-word essay to <i>People’s Daily</i> that we feature here. This essay is the fullest expression of Lin’s political beliefs. She wrote it in 1965, dating it July 14 because it was the date of the storming of the Bastille in the French Revolution. It took Lin five months to finish the letter, which ran to 137 pages. She wrote the essay in ink, but stamped it repeatedly with a seal bearing the character “zhao” that she inked in her own blood.  The letter has not (yet) been translated into English so a few salient points are worth mentioning.  As Lin’s biographer, the Duke University professor Lian Xi wrote in his biography of Lin (<i>Blood Letters: The Untold Story of Lin Zhao, a Martyr in Mao’s China</i>, Basic Books, 2018): “Lin Zhao challenged the theory of a continuous ‘class struggle,’ which the Communists saw as intrinsic to human history and from which there was no escape. Since the 1920s, the CCP had looked upon this theory as an immutable truth and had used it to justify the so-called dictatorship of the proletariat after 1949….” Lin Zhao scoffed at this. ‘I do not ever believe that, in such a vast living space that God has prepared for us, there is any need for humanity to engage in a life-and-death struggle!’  The CCP dictatorship was but a modern form of ‘tyranny and slavery,’ she wrote in her letter to the party’s propagandists.  “'As long as there are people who are still enslaved, not only are the enslaved not free, those who enslave others are likewise not free!,' she wrote. Those seeking to end Communist rule in China must likewise not ‘debase the goal of our struggle into a desire to become a different kind of slave owner.' ‘The lofty overall goal of our battle dictates that we cannot simply set our eyes on political power—the goal must not and cannot be a simple transfer of political power!’" “The end was ‘political democratization… to make sure that there will never be another emperor in China!" Professor Lian continues: “Lin Zhao wrestled with the moral question of whether violence was a justified means to that end. Her Christian faith had hardened her for the fight. At the same time, it also tempered her opposition. She acknowledged the occasional ‘sparks of humanity’ even in those who were at the ‘most savage center’ of Chinese communism. As strenuously as she argued against her imprisonment, against Mao’s dictatorship, and for a free society, she was unable to sanction violence in that struggle. ‘As a Christian, one devoted to freedom and fighting under the Cross, I believe that killing Communists is not the best way to oppose or eliminate communism.’ She admitted that, had she not ‘embraced a bit of Christ’s spirit,’ she would have had every reason to pledge ‘bloody revenge against the Chinese Communist Party.’” The same year that the letter was finished, Lin Zhao was sentenced to 20 years for counterrevolutionary crimes. On April 29, 1968, the sentence was changed to death and she was executed on the same day. She was 36 years old.